The Kony 2012 film about the Ugandan warlord Joseph Kony and his child abductions has become a Facebook phenomenon, viewed nearly 76m times, and prompting reactions from the British, American and Ugandan governments. But it has also triggered fierce debate online. While advocates say it has brought attention to the plight of child soldiers in Africa, many Ugandans have questioned the tactic claiming that the portrayal of their country is out of date.
The blog we ran on the story last week, Kony 2012: what's the real story? has been read 880,000 times. In it, we documented the Ugandan backlash against the film, questions about the charity behind it, Invisible Children, and carried testimonies to the work the same charity has done to help children in Uganda.
Yesterday, in an interview with the website GOOD news, Invisible Children's director of communications Jedidiah Jenkins said many critics were missing the point. "Our films are made for high school children," he said. "Our films weren't made to be scrutinised by the Guardian. They were made to get young people involved in some of the world's worst crimes."
We received hundreds of comments on the blog and emails from readers asking us to investigate further, providing us with evidence and making the moral arguments for such campaigning advocacy work. Here we publish a selection where we have been given permission to do so. Many thanks to every reader who got in touch.
Ben Keesey, CEO of Invisible Children, has now posted this filmed response to the criticisms.
Ben Keesey, CEO of Invisible Children, posted this filmed response.
The Ugandan government put out this response via Fred Opolot, a government spokesman:
Misinterpretations of media content may lead some people to believe that the LRA is currently active in Uganda. It must be clarified that at present the LRA is not active in any part of Uganda. Successfully expelled by the Ugandan Peoples Defence Forces in mid-2006, the LRA has retreated to dense terrain within bordering countries in the Central African area. They are a diminished and weakened group with numbers not exceeding 300. The threat posed by the LRA in our neighbouring countries is considerably reduced and we are hopeful it will be altogether eliminated with the help of US logistical support.
The Ugandan government is encouraged by this outpouring of international support for its continuing campaign to eliminate the threat posed by the LRA to all countries and communities. We are hopeful that our neighbouring countries can also become free of LRA activity and enjoy the peace and prosperity that northern Uganda has experienced in the last 6 years.
Response from readers
During the blog last week the readers led us to the Ugandan sources that became the voices of the domestic backlash against the Kony 2012 campaign.
The Ugandan journalist Rosebell Kagumire became a Twitter legend for her rapid responses while Teddy Ruge became the voice of Ugandans in America. Arthur Larok spoke out for the Ugandan run NGOs. All were suggested to us multiple times by readers.
Many more people wrote to us directly. Fred Musoke, a Ugandan man who set up the Kony 2012 is a scam website, wrote:
Most Ugandans who were affected by the war do not consider capturing Kony as a priority. Most of them just need money to resettle and get back their lives. They need money for basic necessities. So
if IC is collecting money on false pretences in the name of these Ugandan children, and in the name of a cause to capture Kony, how does this help the poor Ugandan children? Currently an unknown disease called nodding disease is afflicting the same region of northern Uganda. The Ugandan government cannot even raise $3m for this epidemic.
Nikita Bernardi wrote:
I do not consider myself an expert on the LRA but I have lived in East Africa all my life and these are issues that we were all brought up with. The fact is that northern Uganda is no longer what it is portrayed as in the video. I know many people have said this, but this is a MASSIVE problem. The majority of people watching this film have never even been to Uganda and so they now have this extremely negative view of another African country. I have read the response that the film-makers posted on their site and they seem to think that it does not matter if Mr. Kony has left Uganda or not and that he is still a mad killer who recruits children to fight for him. Yes, he is mad, but he is nowhere near as strong as he was in the early to mid-2000s. He is no longer terrorising northern Uganda and the region is now relatively stable. If I lived in northern Uganda I would be furious that my region was being portrayed in such a negative and outdated way.
This also makes me question why it is that everyone in the western world seems to think that they can solve all of Africa's problems in a western way. If this campaign had been targeted at stopping problems within the US such as the Guantanamo abuses (when that was going on) then maybe it would have been relevant as social media and democracy seem have a bigger impact than they do in northern Uganda.
Damithri Welikala, a 24-year-old Sri Lankan woman, who was a delegate for the 7th Unesco Youth Forum, wrote in to express her concerns for the well-being of child soldiers post conflict, drawing on the experiences in Sri Lanka:
...a couple of years ago we ended a 30-year war where the rebel leader Prabhakaran of the LTTE, like KONY, kidnapped children from their families, brainwashed them and made them to be child soldiers. Firstly, within those 30 years the child soldiers who survived the war have now become adults, it is said they are psychologically trained to kill and it is next to impossible for them to be anything other than a killing machine.
Also now since the war is officially over the government and NGOs have started rehabilitation camps for these soldiers, adults and children alike, so that they can be reformed and are not full of hate. However, the society around them, both the Sinhalese and the Tamils and sometimes their own families shun them away and rejects them, which brings to the major worry I have regarding the Kony Campaign, what is the Invisible Children going to do about the child soldiers mental well-being and what plans do they have for reintroducing them to the society? Will it be a sustainable solution? There has to be some follow-up.
Chris Hobbs, who worked in Lira, Northern Uganda last year, for a small local NGO, writes:
I agree that Kony does need to be arrested and answer for the crimes he has committed, but this is something that Uganda and other countries have been trying to do for years. … another interesting thing is that there is a lot of grievance in the North towards the government of Museveni. There is still strong tribal ties in Uganda, and many in the North believe that Museveni could have done a lot more to stop the LRA at the height of the troubles. I remember on one occasion a colleague telling me how he witnessed an army patrol turning away from and LRA unit attacking a village. The video fails to address the politics of the region which I believe is an important factor of why Kony has remained at large for so long. There is accusations from Uganda that South Sudan funded Kony at one time and vice versa when it suited their political goals.
Lorna Greene writes:
There is a an intensely problematic empirical thread running through this whole campaign especially as it has taken on a life of its own on Facebook and Twitter. Sure, we'll help you capture this guy so that we can feel better about ourselves and feel like we've done some good and then we'll go back to our everyday lives while some other tyrant rises up to take his place because none of the basic problems which have allowed this situation to occur in the first place have been addressed - poverty, corruption, access to education etc. This of course applies to so many situations where conflict occurs, including on our own doorsteps – traveller violence in Ireland / gang violence in London / drug wars in the U.S ... these are a product of society at large and our society's failure to address the needs of those who are marginalised and to ensure equality prevails.
We constantly try to identify the 'bad guy' in this case Kony, however if we look at the big picture and step back and try to understand where this problem has evolved from, we would be uncomfortable to discover that more often than not the real, more consistently bad 'bad guys' are the supposed civilised western countries who devastated the African continent through colonisation. In short, it will take much more than just the capture of Kony to protect the invisible children.
Wolfgang Zeller, Centre of African Studies, Edinburgh University, writes:
Your blog already cites other experts pointing out that the LRA has been outside Uganda for several years, is far smaller than Invisible Children try to make believe, and that the Ugandan government and army are a deeply problematic ally in their campaign. I second all these points, based on my own research and that of my colleagues.
The Guardian has widely reported recent electoral violence and the persecution of opposition leader, homosexuals and journalists in Uganda. This is clearly sanctioned, even driven by the country's leadership. The persecution of homosexuals is also strongly driven (and funded) by American-based Christian fundamentalist groups, who also see Uganda as a frontline in the cultural war against Islam, thanks to the Museveni regimie's outspoken (and military-strategis) support of the US 'War on Terror'.
There is also wide consensus in the scholarly community on the following facts:
While the extreme atrocities committed by the LRA cannot be justified by any 'political cause', the LRA did originally emerge as a direct reaction to extreme atrocities committed since the late 1980s by the government and armed forces of Uganda against the Acholi people in northern Uganda. The person in charge since 1986 until today is Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni, who is himself a former rebel army leader and came to power by force.
Joel Ng is an associate research fellow at the Centre for Multilateralism Studies at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University. He worked on civilian protection issues in northern Uganda from 2005–2007 during a peak in the LRA's operations in the country. He writes:
For those of us who have worked in northern Uganda, there is sympathy and indeed some admiration, for the efforts and ideals of Invisible Children. But there is much more apprehension about the way they understand the conflict, the solutions they are seeking, and their omission of other organizations doing immensely important work on the conflict. Unfortunately, considerable amounts of the buzz they created are about their organization itself. It is an instructive lesson about the potential and pitfalls of social media today.
Freddy Woodhouse writes:
I have a few questions regarding the current Kony campaign which I and I think a lot of others would like to see addressed. Currently, the LRA is based in Congo. If Invisible Children seriously advocates armed intervention by the UPDF, would this not mean sending Ugandan soldiers into the DRC? If so, what would the consequences be? Only seven years ago they were in the middle of a conflict which cost an estimated 5 million lives. What is the stance of Joseph Kabila on this? It seems unlikely that he would want Ugandan troops entering his country. Could it not lead to an armed stand off?
Jakob Mathiszig-Lee, London, writes:
While it's great that the atrocities of the LRA are becoming more well known the problem is the majority of them happened years ago. I'm 23 (nearly 24) now but I remember being around 10 when I first started hearing about the horrendous acts the LRA were committing from my father who has always been an avid listener of the world service. To me all this campaign achieves is drawing attention to the shameful way the issue has been ignored for so long by the western world. The kids who suffered in Uganda at the height of the LRA's power are my age now and if you gave them the choice of giving more military hardware to the corrupt dictarorship that rules them now to catch Joseph Kony or investment in Uganda to get them an education and a job I very much doubt they'd choose the former.
John Chambers writes:
The danger now, in my opinion, is that if this idea fails in it's aims (other than to raise the profile of the man, which it has done incredibly well) it will be also failing the kids who believe in it. As a first experiment in affecting the political agenda through viral awareness, this will be a defining moment. Right now though, this feels like watching Bob Dylan appear on X factor. If this event turns an evil, dangerous man into a sneezing panda or revolution into a retweet then it could be a disastrous moment for the youth who have backed it. I hope it doesn't, but right now I suspect Jason Russell is receiving more job offers from advertising and marketing companies than he is from NGOs and the UN.
Catherine Watson emailed in:
Thank you for collecting views on the Kony 2012 affair. I run Mvule Trust which was the Guardian Christmas appeal charity in 2009. I have lived in Uganda since 1986 and covered the beginning of the war in the north. For the record, Invisible Children has built and renovated schools in northern Uganda. We also know that they paid scholarships for higher education for 12 of the young people that Mvule Trust had supported in secondary school. So that was good. However, among Mvule Trust staff there is great disappointment now it is known that only 30 per cent of Invisible Children funds actually get spent in Uganda. Something that has not emerged in all the talk is that Kony, like his predecessor Alice Lakwena, runs a millenarian cult. Spirits speak through him. Northern Uganda with its historically lower level of education, a colonial legacy, was very vulnerable to such leaders, especially because many of its educated elite were murdered or forced into exile by Idi Amin in the 1970s. When the north lost control of the army when Museveni captured power in 1986, its society was thrown further into array. This is part of the background to the Kony story. Economic development in the north and education for its young people are part of the solution and healing process. Perhaps the furore around Kony film will induce Invisible Children to spend, say, 70 per cent of its funds in Uganda, Congo and CAR. This could fund thousands of youth to become nurses, teachers, foresters and the like with wondrous results.
Raphael Hetherington's email was representative of dozens of others we received, arguing:
I didn't know who Kony was, or anything about child soldiers in Uganda, until I saw the video. Whatever you think about the charity, a lot of people now know, and want to do something about, the LRA and central-African conflict.
Gerard Frank, an American highschool teacher, wrote:
I think "Kony 2012" has the potential to blow wide open the hidden power of public opinion in this country and the media that can now harness it as never before.
Emma Conyngham, an ex advocacy manager of a major aid agency, pointed us towards this paper
salsa.democracyinaction.org/o/2241/images/Peace%20Can%20Be%20... , which IC used as evidence for their campaign, which acknowledges that Kony is no longer in Uganda making it clear that IC are aware that they are simplifying their story for media effect.
Emma writes:
In the midst of all the attack on Invisible Children (IC), I was curious as to whether the "experts" that are speaking out have actually read the policy paper which Invisible Children are basing its advocacy efforts on. Sadly, I believe they are not. Many of the criticisms about the lack of a regional/local response are actually core the policy asks of IC. The role of Uganda, even though Kony hasn't been there for years is also addressed, as is the role of civil society. The inclusion of Congo, DRC, South Sudan are very much at the heart of what IC are advocating for.
My experience in Advocacy has shown that a message must be extremely simple for people to adopt. IC may be simplifying the issue through their film but they have to. If they tried to explain the complexities they would lose their audience within the first few seconds. From a pure campaigning point of view, their film is genius.
Diane Barrieau reiterated those views, writing:
Perhaps you are not familiar with Invisible Children, if you were you would know that they are quite aware that Kony and the LRA haven't been in Uganda for some time, but have been pushing their way into the surrounding countries. However, the main focus of their work is where Kony started: northern Uganda and the devastation he caused there. Their goal from inception has been to stop Kony and help rebuild the lives he has tried to destroy. They have several programs in place, from rehabilitating the child soldiers that have escaped to helping the people support themselves; as well as working toward helping the peoples Kony has harmed in the surrounding countries. Their ways may seem 'Hollywood slick' but they are making a difference. And as far as the U.S. government taking care of Kony, well, you should know that this government doesn't help any foreign concern unless there are U.S. interests there; so to get them to send even 100 troops to Uganda to advise is huge. So before you judge too harshly, perhaps you should look into the history of IC and all they have accomplished, you may be surprised. Not bad for a grassroots organization.
Jamie Saveall from Essex writes:
Do we criticize Steve Jobs or Mark Zuckerberg? I honest believe the creators of this video should be applauded for what they have done, 21 million views and it is not a video of a monkey smoking a cigarette or someone falling of a roof accidentally on purpose, Finally it is something that matters and can actually make a difference. This could (and should) be recognized as innovation in the same way we celebrate the Facebook creator, He made something that affected our lives, now someone tries to use innovation to affect the lives of people less fortunate and we criticize them.
Michael Parker, from Australia, writes:
You want to know if this film is the right way to campaign on the issue? From my perspective, I am joining the dots between Kony2012, Wikileaks and Obama's 2008 online campaign. All three developments are part of a fundamental power shift. Kony has engaged my two teenage children like no other social cause and, from what I see of it, it not only has high production/entertainment values, it also connects to other forms of expression, like street art, which just so happens to be highly appealing to my children (and me as well). Wikileaks is an outright challenge and embarrassment to the establishment and Obama's campaign raised a record setting half a billion dollars, much via micro donations, as he had little access to the big old money that was backing Hilary Clinton. The Internet is empowering and enabling the powerless and power is shifting. We have not seen anything on such a scale since 1440. Bring it on.
3.52pm:
Community coordinator for news Hannah Waldram was speaking to readers in comments last week and has summarised some of the debate.
Early on the discussion centered on the charity behind the video and whether readers should donate to their cause. Uglyflubb pointed out users on reddit were questioning where the money to make the film came from, which was responded to by the Invisible Communication's Director of Communications here. Uglyflubb responds:
But doesn't address the 31% vs 82% issue. Charity Navigator.com gives them a 80% rating (http://www.charitynavigator.org/index.cfm?bay=search.summary&orgid=12429) on programme expenditure, but I can't see how that's determined from the data available on IC's website.
hanshad added:
The blog post linked above is a really good explanation as to why the methods of Invisible Children are potentially harmful - it was written back in 2009 so perhaps the situation has changed a little, but many of the issues discussed are still relevant.
I hadn't come across the idea of 'badvocacy' before, and it definitely raises some interesting points, particularly in terms of the oft-cited argument 'It's better to do something than nothing at all'.
Users also encouraged each other to email their MPs and local representatives in response to the video and discussing whether the UK government would react.
Part of the below the line conversation was also fixed on the virality of the film. Nixell raised this point:
My question is why didn't there last film go global:
vimeo.com/16554742
When you search for the previous film, it's also 'invisible'..... I remember also bad responses previous about this organisation seems things haven't changed
Later young person psviews left this response as to why they shared the film on Facebook:
As a young person living in a modern world with so much evil and suffering and no one in the western world really taking any notice I was beginning to lose faith in humanity and I have to say watching the reaction of the youth of today to this video has truly restored my faith in humanity and the younger generation.
Later on in the week, users continued to dig down into the motives behind the IC charity and their administration. Alex333 pointed to this letter to Obama and hinted at a political motive, and a US ex-serviceman theloanman1 left his thought.
Finally, our Cairo correspondent Jack Shenkar give his views in the thread, including this point:
I especially don't like the way the solution is couched as an exercise in celebrity-orientated clicktivism and consumerism, without any attempt to encourage viewers to think beyond existing structures and challenge the status quo. #StopKONY's defenders argue that this is largely an appeal to children and the young – which to me is all the more reason to avoid transmitting a dangerous message that the world's problems a) come down to individual evil, and b) can be solved by buying bracelets and tweeting.
As well as online media specialist Charlie Beckett, who wrote:
I think the only good thing to come out of this is that we have had a debate about the best way to campaign around human rights.
[Modificato da .pisicchio. 14/03/2012 01:43]
